Grammatical Functions, Lmt, and Control in the Hungarian Dp Revisited

The aim of the paper is to offer a critical evaluation of previous LFG accounts of Hungarian DPs containing derived complex event nominals and, by combining some aspects of some of these accounts, to propose a new and more principled analysis. My main assumptions and claims are as follows. There are two possessor forms and two [-o,-r] grammatical functions in the Hungarian DP: (SUBJ) and (POSS). Either possessor form can realize either grammatical function. The two forms are in complementary distribution. The explanation for this complementarity is that Hungarian possessive constructions are head-marking, and the morphological structure of Hungarian nouns is such that only one overt possessive relationship can be encoded. The highest argument in the argument structure can also be covert, realized by a SUBJ-PRO. LMT as developed for the clausal level can be adopted in this DP domain in a principled manner, including the (SUBJ) Condition.